By Lee A. Daniels
Fourteen months into the Obama Presidency, it’s become more and more obvious that the spectacular example of the First Family sketches only a partial portrait of the present and possible future of Black America. The rest of the portrait—better to call it a mosaic—is far more complex and, in some areas, far less sunny.

By The Editors
Friday, March 5, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) marked the 45th anniversary of the “Bloody Sunday” march in Selma in the spirit the marchers of that day would have appreciated—by working with the citizens of Selma and other communities to ensure the voting rights won that day remain secure.

By Tananarive Due
Fifty years ago, my mother, Dr. Patricia Stephens Due, and my aunt, Priscilla Stephens Kruize, were among five Florida A&M University students who spent 49 days in jail after being arrested for ordering food at a Tallahassee Woolworth lunch counter—the first “jail-in” in the fledgling civil rights movement of the 1960s.

By The Editors
This month the U.S. Census Bureau issued new guidelines that could significantly alter how inmates in state prisons are counted for the census. That, in turn, could affect whether voting districts across the country gain or lose population in advance of the 2011 Congressional and state legislative redistricting.

By Olympia Duhart
Shortly after the earthquake, the Obama administration granted temporary protected status, or TPS, for at least 100,000 Haitian immigrants living in the United States without proper documentation. The special status would also extend to about 30,000 Haitians who had been ordered deported. The status is only offered to Haitians in the United States as of January 12, 2010, the day the earthquake struck.

By Lee A. Daniels
As it happened, the Tea Party Convention, which began last Thursday and ended Sunday, was bracketed by two documents which cast in sharp relief the true nature of the political struggle that burst into the open when Barack Obama won the Democratic Party nomination for President and then captured the White House.

By Manning Marable
Early on in their deliberation process, the Obama pre-campaign group recognized that most white Americans would never vote for a black Presidential candidate. However, they were convinced that most whites would embrace, and vote for, a remarkable, qualified Presidential candidate who happened to be black.

By Leslie Proll
When President Obama took office last January, hopes were high that the right wing’s long stronghold on the federal courts had come to an end. LDF and other civil rights advocates were eager for a new day when fair and impartial judges would once again be nominated and confirmed in large numbers.

By Lee A. Daniels
As someone who was born a Negro – that’s what it says on my birth certificate — I wonder how anyone who has any understanding of black Americans’ history could think that the term “Negro,” or any of the other historical names black Americans have called themselves during their four-century sojourn in America, are demeaning or dishonorable.

By the NAACP Legal Defense Fund Political Participation Practice Group
Recent online polls and news reports have raised a question about the use of the word “Negro” on the 2010 Census form. The brewing controversy focuses on the derogatory history of the term and its connection to racial segregation.